Monday, October 20, 2014

Battle Over the Buses

Bus-free day? Calle 26, usually busy with private buses.
Thousands of private buses stayed home today in what could be the beginning of a battle over the future of the city's public transportation.

Calle 26 this afternoon near the Central Cemetery.
Mayor Petro wants to replace the city's old, chaotic, polluting private buses with the Integrated Public Transit System, or SITP. But the SITP has been poorly implemented. Few people ride the buses, pushing some of the system's private operators toward bankruptcy. And, many of the blue SITP buses belch as much smog as do the traditional private buses, altho Petro's 'Humane Bogotá' doesn't seem to care about that.

Petro's solution was draconian: Expanding the city's failed Pico y Placa anti-traffic congestion rule from private cars to the private buses, banning them from the streets two days each week depending on the last digit of their license plates. The law has been on the books for years, named the 'Environmental Pico y Placa.' Since 'clean air' is not in this mayor's vocabulary, the law had been forgotten - until Petro needed a weapon in his battle with the private bus companies. Now Petro decided to enforce it, but evidently with no environmental criteria.
Calle 26 on a normal afternoon.

The move does make some sense, since transit specialists agree that Bogotá has an excess of buses, many of which are old and polluting. But the law's real, thinly-disguised motivation was to force passengers onto the SITP buses. Inconveniently, however, many pointed out that many outlying neighborhoods lack SITP lines.

The strike dramatically reduced traffic in central Bogotá. But that was probably also because many people just stayed home today. As for the SITP buses, while they appeared to carry more passengers than usual, I saw many that were nearly empty or carried few passengers, despite the strike.

Will the bus companies persist in their strike? Can Petro take the political cost? Tune in in a few days.
A lone bus on Carrera 10, which is usually back-to-back buses.
A line of SITP buses in Teusaquillo.
A SITP bus with an impressive number of passengers. (The man on the bench is displaying his solidarity with the bus strike.)

Despite the strike, this SITP bus was nearly empty.
Green is not clean. A (private) bus belches smoke today.
By Mike Ceaser, of Bogotá Bike Tours

Sunday, October 19, 2014

The Impossibility of Justice

In June, 2011, Pres. Santos signed the Law of Victims, probably the world's most ambitious attempt to compensate victims of a nation's armed conflict. And, unfortunately, probably an impossible one. 

According to today's El Espectador, after other conflicts, such as those in Guatemala, South Africa and Morocco, governments have tried to compensate victims numbering about 1% of their nations' populations. In Colombia, the victims total 14% of the nation's population of 47 million people. The great difference is due to the inclusion of victims of forced displacement, who number close to 6 million people, according to some calculations - altho even without counting the displaced, the victims would total 2% of the population.
A protest march by displaced people.
(Photo: Vanguardia)

According to a 2006 study by Mark Richards of Harvard University, compensation to victims under the 2005 Peace and Justice Law could have cost between 19% and 33% of Colombia's gross domestic product - an impossible number, unless Colombia's willing to give up infrastructure, law enforcement or education (or, truly tax the rich). The current Victims Law is probably even more ambitious.

A memorial to victims of violence.
(Photo: Caracol)
Colombia's law has gone on for so long, been so devastating and hurt so many people, that compensating all of its victims - or even a large proportion of them - will be impossible. By the same token, the conflict has also produced so many victimizers of so many kinds, that punishing them all will be impossible. As difficult as it will be, any peace agreement will involve a huge amount of injustice and impunity. But those are the prices Colombia will have to pay to find peace and stop producing more victims.

Colombia's conflict victims by the numbers: From the Center for Historical Memory, which counted 218,000 people killed by the conflict between 1958 and 2012. Its numbers generally strike me as underestimates.
25,000 victims of forced disappearances.
Five or six million victims of forced displacement.
27,000 kidnapping victims. (And certainly an underestimate.)
Almost 12,000 massacre victims.
23,000 victims of 'selective assassinations.'
1,750 victims of sexual violence.
95 cases and 1,566 victims of terrorist attacks.
By Mike Ceaser, of Bogotá Bike Tours

Saturday, October 18, 2014

And if Coca Leaves Had Come Across First?

A European man smokes a
tobacco pipe around 1595.
(Drawing by Anthony Chute,
via Wikipedia)
During his voyages of discovery to the Americas, Christopher Columbus's men discovered a novel plant, whose leaves produced a pleasant effect when placed in a pipe and smoked. Soon after, some "were unable to cease using it," reported Spanish Bishop Las Casas. And only a few decades later, tobacco was developing a booming market across Europe.

Chocolate's story is similar: Discovered by the Europeans about 1520, by the early 1600s chocolate drinks sweetened with sugar were becoming popular across Europe.
Workers in the Dutch colony of Java stamp
coca leaves in the early 1900s.
(Image: Wikipedia)

However, a third New World plant with addictive properties caught on more slowly. Carried to Europe in the 1500s, coca and its derivatives didn't become popular in the Old World and United States until the 1800s, when products such as coca wine and cocaine-containing medicines were marketed.

Chocolate drinking, portrayed
by by Philippe Sylvestre
Dufour, 1685.
(Image from Wikipedia)
Today, of course, chocolate and tobacco are both deeply embedded in Western culture, despite the tobacco leaf's severe health effects. Many governments are campaigning against tobacco use, with irregular results. But because of the leaf's addictiveness, cultural role and huge economic power, none will ever completely eliminate it.

All of which makes me wonder: What if cocaine had been exported and popularized first? Was it only a matter of geographic chance that chocolate and tobacco became Western cultural icons, while coca and cocaine become demonized? After all, even coca leaves, which produce no more than a mild narcotic effect when chewed, are on the United Nations' list of banned substances, right along with heroin.

Sure, cocaine's effects on human behavior can be much more intense than that of nicotine and caffeine, the active ingredients in tobacco and chocolate, respectively. However, "research suggests that nicotine is as addictive as heroin, cocaine, or alcohol," according to the United States Centers for Disease Control. And, it'd be easy to argue that tobacco can do you more harm than cocaine can.

Perhaps if columbus had carried coca leaves home in 1505, but tobacco leaves hadn't made it across the ocean until the 1600s, today we'd be sipping coca wine with supper, while tobacco cigarettes would be back-alley contraband. Perhaps.
Coca wine, from

By Mike Ceaser, of Bogotá Bike Tours

Friday, October 17, 2014

And WHY NOT Venezuela on the Security Council?

In a cartoon from El Tiempo Venezuelans complain about shortages of food and toilet paper and lack of a free press. But we're in the Security Council! Pres. Maduro replies. 
Venezuela made news this week by getting elected to the lofty heights of the United Nations Security Council.

After all, Venezuela's government is progressively strangling independent media, has made its courts puppets and is frequently accused by human rights organizations of abusing and imprisoning legal protesters.

A few headlines from Human Rights Watch's (HRW) Venezuela page:

So, Venezuela is no example to be set high to be admired by other nations.

But the Security Council members as a group are not exemplars of respect for human rights.

Of the five permanent members, with veto power, one, China, is an outright dictatorship, and a second, Russia, is a democracy in form only and a regular repressor of human rights.

Then there's current member Nigeria, whose security forces are accused by HRW of "indiscriminate arrest, detention, torture, and extra-judicial killing," of supporters of the radical Islamist group Boko Haram, as well as burning and destroying homes in regions with Boko Haram support.

And Chad, where government forces have committed "the vast majority of summary executions and unlawful killings, and almost all village burnings, have been carried out by government forces, often in reprisal for rebel attacks," says HRW.

Among those joining the Security Council along with Venezuela is Malaysia, whose government, HRW says, "should cease using the country’s sedition law to arbitrarily arrest opposition lawmakers, activists, and critical academics."

If only U.N. member nations made respect for human rights a criteria for election to important positions. But they don't, as a look at the nations which have even served on the U.N.'s Human Rights council will show. Neither does there seem to be much effective peer pressure for member governments clean up their acts.

Nevertheless, the U.N. does provide a place for debate and conversation - and perhaps that's why there's been no global war since the U.N. was established in the wake of World War II.

Once on the Security Council, Venezuela will use its position as a platform to rant and rave, mostly against the United States. Let them yell. That's free speech. But very few - except for the Bolivarian Revolution's True Believers - will believe them.

For its part, Colombia has kept quiet while Venezuela has "turned into an autocratic, despotic state," in the words of the New York Times. Colombia's motives are obvious: Venezuela is an important trading partner and supports the peace negotiations with the FARC guerrillas - a centerpiece of Pres. Santos' reelection campaign. But that doesn't make Colombia's behavior any more ethical.

By Mike Ceaser, of Bogotá Bike Tours

Thursday, October 16, 2014

Wilson Díaz's Acerbic Eye on Colombia

Girl gunners.
The city-owned Santa Fe Gallery, recently relocated to La Candelaria, is holding a retrospective exhibition of work by Colombian artist Wilson Díaz, born in 1962. His work includes both plays off of pop art and reworkings of iconic images from Colombia's recent violent history, including gunmen (and gunwomen), child soldiers and paramilitary fighters.

Child fighters.
Guns or guitars? 

Seed smuggler - 'Swallow coca seeds, board a plane, fly overseas, defecate and plant the seeds.' I've never understood why this doesn't happen, and coca leaf isn't cultivated in Africa, Asia, etc.
A load of death.

A banana slips up.

AUC - Paramilitary fighters.

What kind of leaves are these?


By Mike Ceaser, of Bogotá Bike Tours